The Arakan Army: Key Player in Myanmar’s Civil War

The Arakan Army (AA) has established itself as a key actor in Myanmar. The ethnic armed group was founded in 2009 by a small band of men of Rakhine ethnicity. Today, it has become a full military and political force, establishing governing bodies and growing its ranks yearly. Its main goal is the establishment of the autonomy of the Rakhine state. During the years, the AA has consolidated its power in the region, exercising administrative control, joining alliances with other insurgent groups, and expanding its military capabilities. The territorial accomplishments of the Army between 2024 and 2025 signal the beginning of a potential transition to a de facto state.

However, this transition is threatened by serious issues such as the accusations of human rights abuses towards the Rohingya population, as well as the political and economical complexities of governing a state. Finally, but importantly, the official government also opposes the Arakan Army goal, designating the group as a terrorist organisation in September 2024.

Images Sourced From: The Irrawaddy

1 History and Ideology of the Arakan Army

1.1 History

Since the independence of Myanmar (formerly Burma) from British rule in 1948, the country has constituted a hub for insurgent groups and ethnic based militias in search of independence. During the military dictatorship initiated in 1962, Rakhine people from the area known as the Arakan State started developing separationist sentiments. They created their own Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs), such as the Arakan Liberation Party and the Arakan Independence Army. [source]

The Arakan Army was originally founded on 10 April 2009 by a group of young Rakhine nationalists. At first, the AA was composed of 27 individuals. Notably, they were initially based in Kachin State, in northern Myanmar, where they started training with a more experienced insurgent group, the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). After this initial period, the AA moved to the Rakhine state, establishing its presence around 2014. As of then, their manpower was 1500 troops. In January 2016, the Arakan Army created a political party, the United League of Arakan (ULA), for political representation. [source] [source]

Through 2015 and 2020 the country witnessed continuous fighting between the AA and the government, leading to great displacement of people. Despite the establishment of a ceasefire between 2020 and July 2022, clashes continued until November 2022. The new ceasefire lasted until October 2023. Finally, during 2024 the AA took control over the majority of the Rakhine state, expanding into bordering regions in 2025. Notably, the Myanmar regime designated the AA as a terrorist organisation on  2 September 2024, together with other ethnic armed groups. [source] [source]

1.2 Ideology

Since its birth, the group has based its operations on a nationalist ideology, which has evolved over time. Initially, the AA was characterised by strong Rakhine nationalism. Around 2014, the Commander in Chief Twan Mrat Naing started following the so-called “Way of Rakhita.” This is a political philosophy that finds its root in the historical remembrance of the Arakan kingdom, pushing for autonomy. Finally, the group initiated the campaign “Arakan Dream 2020,” which established the AA’s long term strategy: to create an autonomous Rakhine polity. Specifically, it pushes for a Myanmar confederation, or alternatively a total independent Rakhine state. The ideological evolution of the group explains the name Arakan Army instead of Rakhine Army. In fact, they claim to represent and fight for not only those who belong to the Rakhine ethnicity, but all of the people living in the Rakhine-dominated area, the former Arakan State. [source] [source]

2 Arakan Army Organisation 

2.1 Political Governance

As previously mentioned, the AA was born as an insurgent armed group, but it later on developed a political party, the United League of Arakan, to provide political guidance and representation to the people of the Rakhine state. Furthermore, in 2019, the ULA created an administrative body, the Arakan People’s Authority (APA). This later evolved into the Arakan People’s Revolutionary Government (APRG). This body is currently administrating 15 of 18 townships in Rakhine state. This governing entity exercises judiciary functions, and has developed a tax system and public services. Furthermore, during the Covid-19 pandemic it established response procedures. Overall, the group plays a significant role in the community. [source]

2.2 Key Figures of the Arakan Army

Major General Twan Mrat Naing: founding commander-in-chief, public face, ideological architect.
Brigadier General Nyo Twan Awng: deputy commander-in-chief, important political figure.
Colonel Kyaw Han: symbolic leader.

Khaing Thu Kha: spokesperson and symbolic leader.

[source]

2.3 Financing

Being an ethnic armed group, the Arakan Army needs to rely on diverse financial sources to survive. These include taxation, custom duties, and–allegedly–illicit economies. However, since the Rakhine state is one of the poorest regions in Myanmar, the income originating from trade with India and Bangladesh is not high. Furthermore, the state does not host significant natural resources. The AA has been accused of involvement in drug trafficking, which the group has denied. However, drug flows in the region seem to continue. The main declared income appears to come from taxation. [source]

2.4 Recruitment 

During the beginning of its life, the AA started recruiting Rakhine men who were working in the Kachin jade mines. As previously mentioned, these recruits trained with the KIA before going to the Rakhine state. With time, the group amplified its recruitment. The AA has been accused of forced conscription, especially targeting the Rohingya population. In March 2025, news reported the intentions of the group to start conscription for all the 18+ year old residents of the Rakhine state. According to this new rumoured policy, men between 18 and 45 and women between 18 and 35 would have to complete a two-months military training and then serve for two years. [source] [source] [source]

2.5 Alliances and International Relations

The AA is part of three relevant alliances: the Northern Alliance, the Federal Political Negotiation and Consultative Committee (FPNCC), and the Three Brotherhood Alliance. The Northern Alliance, composed by Arakan Army (AA), Kachin Independence Army (KIA), Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), and Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA), is a military coalition. The FPNCC is an alliance of different EAOs with the purpose of negotiating with the official government. It includes AA, KIA, MNDAA, TNLA, National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA), Shan State Progress Party/Shan State Army (SSPP/SSA), and United Wa State Army (UWSA). The Three Brotherhood Alliance is a military alliance composed by AA, MNDAA, and TNLA. [source] [source] [source]

The AA also has relations with international actors, especially China, India, and Bangladesh. Rakhine hosts important Chinese energy infrastructures, such as oil and gas pipelines. India seems to have met with AA representatives in 2024, suggesting cautious cooperation, also pushed by Indian fear of Chinese involvement. The relationship with Bangladesh is tense, due to the Rohingya crisis and the violence at the borders. [source] [source

3 Military Capabilities of the Arakan Army

The AA has claimed to have over 30,000 fighters. Estimates place this number between 20,000 and 30,000. These forces are mainly deployed between the main operational area of the AA, the Rahkine State. [source] [source]

Regarding the equipment capabilities of the group, they include various small arms and light weapons such as assault rifles, machine guns, sniper rifles and AT/AA weapons. Heavier weapons encompass mortars, recoilless rifles, and captured artillery. Finally, the AA also utilises drones for surveillance and targeting. The equipment is mainly obtained through capture or black market acquisitions. [source]

4 Tactical-Operational Information 

4.1 Tactical Evolution of the Arakan Army

The AA has evolved its tactical approaches during its operational life. Initially, it relied more on guerilla warfare, conducting hit-and-runs, and ambushes. With the increase of its capabilities, it has started more conventional types of attacks. These include sieges and urban warfare, conquering cities and military bases. The AA has also targeted critical infrastructure such as trade routes. Finally, the AA has used its alliances to conduct effective frontal attacks. [source]

4.2 Key Operational Events

  • 2015-2018: occasional clashes in Rakhine State and neighbouring Chin State.
  • 2019: Attacks on police posts near the border with Bangladesh, killing 13 officers and capturing 2 border posts. 
  • 2022: The Tatmadaw (the armed forces of Myanmar) broke the ceasefire by conducting an airstrike on a base of the AA in Karen State, killing 6 AA members. This sparked a new wave of retaliatory violence.
  • 2023: In October, the Northern Alliances, together with other EAOs and paramilitaries, launched Operation 1027, the most coordinated offence ever from the coalition. In response, the Tatmadaw answered with renewed violence.  
  • 2024: The AA conducted its first heavy offensive on southern Rakhine, capturing the Tatmadaw’s Western Command headquarters. 
  • 2025: The AA started extending its operations into neighbouring regions.

[source]

5 The Rohingya Question

One of the most relevant issues related to the AA is its relationship with the minority Rohingya, an ethnicity that constitutes around 35% of the population of Rakhine. As previously mentioned, the AA, in its ideological beliefs, highlights the will to unify the Rakhine state and make it autonomous independently of the ethnicities that live in it. However, it appears that this intention has faded. [source]

In recent years reports have denounced the AA for committing human rights abuses against the Rohingya. Furthermore, these accusations were backed by satellite imagery, eyewitness testimonies, international organisations’ statements, and human rights groups findings. Allegedly, the AA committed relocations, burning of villages, hate speech and killings of Rohingya people. The group has denied the accusations. [source]

The AA is also involved in conflict with Rohingya armed groups, creating a three-party conflict in northern Rakhine. These clashes attracted international attention, specifically of Bangladesh. The country has pressured the AA to mitigate tensions and stop the targeting of Rohingya people. [source]

6 The Future of the Arakan Army

The Arakan Army, especially considering its latest achievements in 2024 and 2025, seems to be transforming from a militia to an actual governing entity over the entire Rakhine state. However, how long this transformation will last is uncertain. Financing issues, human rights violation accusations, and military clashes could halt the group’s expansion and undermine its legitimacy. These issues–especially stability, commitment to human rights, and inclusivity–might hinder international recognition. However, considering its military accomplishments and governance capabilities, the Arakan Army is destined to play a significant role in the future of post-coup Myanmar. 

7 Conclusion 

As illustrated in this article, the Arakan Army – since its inception in 2009 – has evolved from a very small insurgent group to a full-on political and military actor in Myanmar. The group has established administrative control over the Rakhine state, creating governing bodies and obtaining military control over almost the entirety of the region.

However, its authority remains challenged by significant setbacks. Of these, financing is a major issue as current revenue is likely far less than needed for the group to see the level of autonomy that it desires. Furthermore, the allegations of human rights abuses against the Rohingya population threaten international recognition and intensify the tensions with the neighbouring countries, especially Bangladesh. Finally, the label of terrorist organisation could further hinder external relations. Therefore, its future success and stability depend on the group’s adaptability to the international human rights standards. Despite these issues, the Arakan Army will remain a key player in Myanmar in the coming years. 

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