1.0 Introduction 

Since the full-scale invasion against Ukraine, anti-Kremlin partisan activity has intensified across Russia and other regions in the post-Soviet space. Among the most active formations is the Combat Organisation of Anarcho-Communists (BOAK), a far-left network founded around 2017, confronting the regimes of Russia and Belarus. The group holds that authoritarianism, capitalism, and imperialism must be confronted through collective resistance. BOAK carries out sabotage and other forms of direct action aimed at weakening state capacity; in particular, they play a key role in the “rail war,” disrupting military transport and logistics. The decentralised network of cells spans from Moscow in the West to Vladivostok in the Far East, illustrating how organised resistance to the Russian state’s aggression is gaining ground across the country.

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2.0 Motto, Symbols, and Ideology

2.1 Motto 

“When, if not now? Who, if not us?”

While not officially designated as BOAK’s motto, this phrase is frequently referenced by its members and supporters. It reflects the group’s ethos of urgency and personal responsibility in opposing Putin’s regime. Furthermore, in an interview with Popular Front, members noted that many Russians remain silent out of fear or the belief that their actions will not make a difference. For them, the phrase symbolises a refusal to remain passive, and an obligation to take their future into their own hands, otherwise “there will be no future.” [source]

2.2 Symbols

BOAK’s primary logo features a chain within a star typically rendered in red and black. It is a common symbol and theme of revolutionary and anarchist movements. The colour scheme reflects the traditional colours of anarcho-communism – black for anti-authoritarianism, and red for class struggle. The flag most often used by BOAK depicts the same design with the group’s name written across the design. [source, source]

BOAK has often used an emblem showing a bayonet-mounted rifle over the circled “A.” The circled “A” design is a common symbol in anarchist contexts since the 1960s, and is internationally recognised. [source, source]

2.3 Ideology

BOAK defines itself as an anarcho-communist partisan network waging a revolutionary struggle against the Russian state, capitalism and imperialism. It envisions a society shaped through collective autonomy and economic decentralisation, which can only be achieved through anarchism and revolution, especially in the face of a deeply “fascist” Russia. Furthermore, BOAK situates itself within the revolutionary anarchist tradition of Eastern Europe, drawing direct lineage from militant formations of the early 20th century. Among those cited as predecessors are Chernoe Znamia (“Black Banner”), a federation of cadres founded in Bialystok in 1903; Beznachaliye (“Without Authority”), the principle anarchist circle in Petersburg at the time; and the Southern Russian Anarchist-Syndicalist Group. Furthermore, contemporary influences of BOAK include the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), cited for its long-term revolutionary persistence despite severe repression. [source, source]

On page on their website, titled “The Foundations of Our Worldview” ( “Основы нашего мировоззрения”), they refer to specific libertarian values in which they ground their ideology. These include: self-governance, collectivism, the reorganisation of living space, economic decentralisation, cultural autonomy, ecological harmony, and revolutionary transformation. These principles collectively reject centralised authority and hierarchical structures. They instead advocate for democratic assemblies, mutual aid, collective responsibility and public ownership of the means of production and consumption. [source]  

“All matters affecting only the individual will be decided individually; all matters affecting the collective will be decided jointly and in solidarity by its members.” [source]  

“In place of private property, we propose free use of labour products by all members of society, while preserving personal property.” [source]  

“We are internationalists — supporters of uniting the oppressed across state borders, traditions, and religions. We oppose nationalism and other ideologies that assert the superiority of some people over others, divide nations, and incite hostility.” [source]  

3.0 Organisation  

3.1 Place within the Russian Federation

BOAK traces its origins to years before Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. In a 2022 interview with The Final Straw Radio, members described the 2022 invasion as “the moment of truth…the proper time to announce the existence of the organisation and its name publicly.” They further stated the organisation’s active operational preparation began around 2018, realising that “to fight effectively we need to be prepared for the revolution… by creating an organisation, searching for new members, gaining resources, and so on.” [source, source]

The internal structure and command of BOAK remains deliberately opaque. This is a reflection of its need for operational security, but also is likely to be somewhat based on its ideological fit with a non-hierarchical organisation. The group adheres to a horizontal command model, with decisions made collectively and democratically rather than through a centralised, formal pecking order. While exact figures are unverifiable, members have suggested that the network comprises approximately 30 autonomous cells. These cells operate across Russia, from Kaliningrad in the West to Vladivostok in the Far East. In a 2023 interview with BBC, BOAK members stated they prefer to act as a team of minimum four people, with “one operator, one watchman, one actionist.” [source, source, source]

BOAK therefore functions as a uniformed but decentralised network, unified by its anarcho-communist ideology, shared communication channels, and collective coordination. As a loose affinity-cell network with no strict chain of command, BOAK is able to minimise exposure and preserve continuity.

3.2 Financing

BOAK finances its operations privately, with publicly listed Monero and Bitcoin wallets, and explicit recommendations for anonymity-preserving practices such as mixers. The group also receives support via the Revolutionary Anarchist Fund (RAF). The RAF is a solidarity initiative that aggregates contributions from anarchist networks and sympathisers. We have not seen any evidence of institutional, NGO or state-linked funding, despite accusations, particularly by Russian state media. [source, source, source]

3.4 Key Figures 

Dmitry Petrov, Callsign “Seva”, “Lev”

Petrov was a Russian anarchist, ethnographer, and founding member of BOAK. Operating under the nom de guerre Ilya Leshiy, he joined the Ukrainian Armed Forces in 2022. He served in the Resistance Committee and the 95th Air Assault Brigade. Additionally, Petrov was deeply involved in direct military action and ideological work, authoring many of the texts for BOAK. He participated in the defence of the Bitsa Park in Moscow, in “Food not bombs.” He further joined the protests on Bolotnaya Square in Moscow 2011, and fought for the rights of workers in the Anarchist union MPST. Additionally, Dima founded the ‘Black Blog,’ a well known media platform and network that connected anarchist militants.

Petrov died in combat near Bakhmut, Ukraine, in April 2023 at 33 years old. Petrov’s legacy endures as that of a highly respected member whose contributions continue to shape the organisation’s ethos and operational discipline. He left behind a farewell letter addressed to his comrades in case of his death. [source, source]

Vladislav Lurchenko, Callsign “Pirate”

Vlaidslav Lurchenko fought against the Russian state in the ranks of the Siberian Battalion. The battalion is a Russian volunteer unit fighting under the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Lurchenko was indeed deeply committed to collective anarchist organising, and believed that his unit could serve as a platform for revolutionary activity beyond state structures. Lurchenko became an assault and special forces fighter when he came to Ukraine in February 2024. Prior to Russia’s invasion, he worked on naval vessels, a background that likely influenced his callsign. [source]

His ideological path was shaped by the legacy of Dmitry Petrov, and by the Kurdish revolutionary movement. Furthermore, Lurchenko intensely studied the book “Flowers of the Desert: 10 Years of the Rojava Revolution,” published with Dmitry Petrov’s participation. [source]

Lurchenko was killed in action during a landing operation on the Kinburn Spit on 9 August, 2024, at the age of 22 years. According to BOAK, he died when the evacuation boat was struck by an anti-tank guided missile. BOAK members described Lurchenko as a “kind, warm hearted, and optimistic person” and referred to as a martyr. Lurchenko also left behind a letter in case of his death. [source]

3.5 Recruitment 

Methods 

BOAK does not maintain a clear public recruitment process. Instead, the group operates through decentralised, clandestine networks, and affiliation likely typically occurs via personal trust and involvement in direct action. Furthermore, its messaging encourages autonomous sabotage, and individuals who take initiative in line with BOAKs principles are likely treated as part of the broader movement. This reflects a deliberately blurred boundary between supporter and member. It provides the group with greater operational autonomy as well as security. [source]

Available communication channels, specifically BOAK’s Telegram and email, are likely the most direct means of contacting members and potentially connecting with smaller affiliated units across Russia. However, BOAK highly likely maintains stringent operational security; direct contact is likely subject to strict vetting and anonymity protocols.

3.6 Connections to other important organisations 

BOAK’s frequently noted and verifiable affiliations include: 

• Siberian Battalion

The Siberian Battalion operates under Ukraine’s Defence Intelligence and consists largely of Russian dissidents and Russian ethnic minorities. Some of the fighters in the Siberian Battalion are supporters or members of BOAK, sharing anti-regime goals and directly participating in Ukraine’s defence. Additionally, Vladislav Yurchenko was one identifiable member who was affiliated with BOAK and fought in the Battalion. [source] 

• Feminist Anti-War Resistance

The Feminist Anti-War Resistance is a Russian grassroots movement that opposes the war in Ukraine. The resistance uses feminist principles to organise protests, spread anti-war messaging and support political prisoners. Furthermore, in a 2023 interview with ANIKA, BOAK named them as one of the left-wing groups closest to them, highlighting its role in anti-war agitation and propaganda. [source]

• Revolutionary Anarchy Fund/Foundation

BOAK is linked to the RAF through shared ideological goals, mutual amplification and monetary support. BOAK is supported by the RAF, which helps with funding for the anarchist resistance, including legal aid and sabotage related activities, such as purchasing gasoline and ammonium fertilizers. [source, source] 

It can be reasonably assumed that, as part of the broader underground resistance within Russia, the group maintains some form of contact, or even coordination, with other anarchist and left-wing movements operating in the country. Additionally, in an interview with The Final Straw Radio, members of BOAK stated they are willing to cooperate with ideologically different groups to undermine the Putin and Lukashenko regimes. [source]

4.0 Equipment 

4.1 Weapons 

While reporting on the issue is scarce, we speculate that weaponry is likely sourced independently within BOAK’s units, rather than distributed through any top-down system. Given the group’s structure and geographics, a bottom-up approach – where each cell acquires or assembles tools locally – appears more plausible. As BOAK’s strategy centres on weakening the state – primarily through tactical attacks on infrastructure – their equipment indeed reflects this focus.

Members of BOAK stated that their weaponry is based on “whatever they can get their hands on,” and that BOAK operates with “simple instruments which could be bought in a department store.” In particular, open sources suggest their arsenal focuses on homemade explosives, but members also referred to their use of firearms and knives. BOAK describes one sabotage method called the “garlic” recipe, stating that it uses four self-tapping screwed joined through cold welding and then bound together with materials such as twine, wire, or fishing line. BOAK encourages these improvised caltops as an offensive method to use against vehicles and enemies on foot, or to complicate the pursuit when retreating after sabotage. In addition their website, accessible only via the dark net, provides detailed insight into their offensive methods. [source, source, source] 

Their website implies that their focus is predominately on improvised explosive devices, homemade chemical mixes, and weapons handling. The site particularly emphasises explosive types that use ammonium nitrate, and gives detailed instructions on how to assemble it and adapt them for field use. Additionally, the site hosts Matveichuk’s manual on blasting operations, which they appear to treat as a foundational reference. They also cite “Русская кухня. Азбука ‘Домашнего терроризма,” which translates as “Russian cuisine. The ABC’s of ‘Domestic Terrorism,”. The text that covers small-scale explosives, chemical recipes, and how to organise and operate in underground cells.

5.0 Tactical-Operational Information 

5.1 Operations 

Consistent with their strategy and capabilities, available information indicates their main operations centre on railway sabotage and arson/explosives attacks on state infrastructure. Some of their reported operations include:

5.1.1 Railway sabotage

1. May 2022: Railway associated with nuclear weapons logistics 

In early May BOAK claimed responsibility for sabotaging railway tracks in northeast Moscow. The tracks led to the 12th Chief Directorate of the Russian Ministry of Defense which oversees nuclear weapons logistics. Moreover, the operation was within Sergiev Posad, home to the Sergiev Posad-6 facility, which is historically linked to Russia’s biological weapons program. In addition, the Washington Post claimed the facility was undergoing expansion since 2022. [source]

BOAK managed to unscrew the bolts and drag the rails apart. Furthermore, BOAK significantly benefited from publicly available data on Wikimapia.org, which provided them the details they needed, including the type of train and its route. [source] 

2.  July 2022: Railway of military unit 55442 VD Barsova 

A BOAK cell claimed responsibility for the sabotage action on the railway of military unit 55443 VD Barsovo (51st Arsenal of the Main rocket-artillery department of Russian Defense Ministry) near Kirzhach, Vladimir Oblast. BOAK members disconnected the nuts linking the rail joints and closed the rail together by cable, preventing the system from detecting the sabotage. [source, source] 

5.1.2 Arson attacks

1. October 12 2020: Soviet District Police Department

On the night of 13 October 2020, partisan actors in Minsk conducted a targeted arson attack against the Soviet District police department. They deployed Molotov cocktails and destroyed service vehicles. Furthermore, BOAK reported parallel incidents in Baranovichi, where its members set fire to vehicles belonging to law enforcement.. [source] 

2. December 2022: Railway explosive 

Footage uploaded to Telegram depicts an attack on a railway line, reportedly adjacent to Ukraine. Moreover, they described the homemade device used in the attack as formed from easily accessible ingredients like powdered sugar and potassium nitrate. [source] 

5.2 Core Purpose

BOAK is a militant anarchist collective whose core purpose is to advance revolutionary resistance against authoritarian regimes, particularly the Russian state and Belarus. They do so particularly through disrupting the material backbone of state power – railways, supply chains, and transport nodes. By weakening the state in this way, without harming civilians, BOAK advances a strategy of asymmetric resistance against authoritarian regimes and reinforces its vision of revolutionary ethics rooted in solidarity, autonomy and collectivism. [source]

In an 2022 interview with The Final Straw Radio, BOAK members stated the goals of their organisation. In the short-term, the organisation names internal development and strengthening communication with other groups as one of their immediate goals. Furthermore, this is to be “powerful enough to make a difference in a mid term goal – building a social anarchist revolution in Russia.” The long term goal is therefore the realization of that revolution, to “achieve a free and just society.” [source]

“It’s not his [Putin’s] country. It’s our country.” [source] 

5.3 Tactics

• Cellular coordination and spatiality: BOAK adheres to a structural model that combines both efficiency and flexibility. Unlike traditional hierarchical non-state forces – where neutralising a very small fraction of high-centrality nodes is statistically likely to destabilise the entire network – BOAK’s decentralised topology offers far greater resilience and invulnerability. [source, source, source] 
• Targeting state infrastructure: Actions have included obstructing strategic rail tracks, attacking police buildings, administration offices, and military enlistment centres. [source, source] 
• Use of open source intelligence (OSINT): Members have referred to their use of ‘Wikimapia’ to identify targets, leveraging publicly available data on train identification and routes. [source] 
• Nighttime operations: BOAK frequently operates in the night to evade detection. [source, source] 

5.4 Personnel size 

BOAK does not disclose exact personnel size, and estimation is relatively difficult. BOAK in 2023 stated in an interview that there are “two to three dozen partisan groups inside Russia…each with a different number of members.” Given BOAK’s emphasis on expansion, rising visibility, and growing societal support, it is likely that their network has grown since. [source]

These groups operate across a wide geographic range, and are reportedly active in nearly all major cities as well as many smaller ones, indicating its reach and dispersion. Their Telegram alone has over 5000 subscribers, and based on operational activity and the group’s statements, we estimate that approximately 500 of these are active members. [source, source]

6.0 The Future  

BOAK’s membership appears to comprise highly committed activists who understand the severe legal and physical dangers of partisan activity.

BOAK is aware that capture would likely mean torture and that no one can predict how they might endure it, they’ve expressed a clear resolve: it is better to die fighting than to be taken alive, tortured, and risk betraying their comrades – something they insist they would never do. [source]

The available open-source evidence indicates the network does not possess a large or steady logistical pipeline for weapons. Its actions have relied primarily on improvised tools and autonomous cells rather than conventional armaments. These fragilities and risks, however, have not prevented continued operations. Continued, if not increased repression, or abuses by the state, will likely enlarge the pool of motivated individuals and accelerate the growth of clandestine resistance. 

7.0 Conclusion  

BOAK remains a persistent force within Russia’s internal resistance. Its actions, particularly its role in the rail war, have disrupted Russian logistics and, importantly, signaled that resistance to the Kremlin’s aggression exists within its own borders. In addition to this, BOAK represents a strand of internal dissent that continues to surface across the country despite the Russian state’s works to suppress and deny it.