1 Origin of Haitian Armed Gangs
1.1 Duvalier and Tonton Macoutes
To understand the current Haitian gang crime reality, we must briefly look back to Haitian history. The origins of the contemporary Haitian gang crisis are set in the second half of the 20th century. The establishment of the Tonton Macoutes in 1959 by President François Duvalier, known as “Papa Doc,” marks a crucial turning point in this story. The group was a paramilitary force, going by the official name of Volontaires de la Sécurité Nationale (National Security Volunteers). They suppressed Papa Doc’s opposition and supported his authoritarian rule until its very end, in 1971.
The Tonton Macoutes continued to support the regime through Duvalier’s son Jean-Claude, until its very end in February 1986. According to estimates, they killed around 60,000 people across 28 years. The group operated with impunity, using fear, violence, and intimidation as weapons. This legacy of brutality set the scenery for future armed groups and gangs in Haiti, often directly tied to former Tonton Macoutes members.
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1.2 Post-Duvalier Regime
The fall of the Duvalier regime in 1986 left a power vacuum and diffused political instability. Armed groups such as the Tonton Macoutes, or groups born from its members, held onto their power and influence. The development into criminal entities capitalized on a weak state authority, the large proliferation of firearms, and continuous conditions of crisis such as that caused by the 2010 earthquake, Covid-19, and the 2021 assassination of President Moise. In such a long period without effective state power, various figures employed gangs for their political interest. Now, there are over 200 gangs in Haiti, and we witness high levels of insecurity, violence, kidnappings, and displacements. Furthermore, the parliament is halted, and public administration at a standstill.
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The origin of Haiti’s current gang problem is therefore related to the country’s authoritarian history. It has evolved and gained increasing relevance due to the challenging socio-economic reality of Haiti through the decades and continuous political turmoil. The groups have responded to a landscape of instability and violence, perpetuating and spiraling to today’s chaotic reality .
2 Key Gangs Operating in Haiti
Haiti is considered to host and be dominated by over 200 criminal gangs. Their influence is strongest in Port-au-Prince, the capital city, but is also present beyond. The groups are de facto authorities in the territories they have control over. They control governance, trade, and resources while they run a range of activities like kidnapping, extortion, and war-like territorial disputes. This showcases the systemic failure of the Haitian state authority.
Among the groups, some are dominant protagonists and are part of relevant coalitions. In recent developments, the Viv Ansanm coalition is the absolute protagonist, bringing together other existing rival alliances. The G9 Family and Allies, G-Pep, and 400 Mawozo are now part of this coalition, but have separate histories and features.
2.1 G9 Family and Allies
The G9 Family and Allies (G9 Fanmi e Alye), led by former police officer Jimmy “Barbecue” Chérizier, is one of the most powerful and relevant criminal federations in Haiti. Founded in 2020, it united nine major gangs under the leadership of Barbecue, who paints himself as a revolutionary anti-establishment figure despite the G9’s origins being related to Jovenel Moïse’s Presidency. The G9 swiftly gained power starting in 2020 and became a protagonist in the Haitian gang scene. Acts of brutal violence and kidnappings, including the burning of enemies, decapitations, and sexual violence are reportedly common.
They exert their influence and gain revenue through extortion and by controlling public services. They have also showcased their influence and power through the blockades of Terminal Varreux, an important petrochemicals and gas port. Marginalized areas of Port-au-Prince such as Delmas, Belekou in Cité Soleil, and La Saline, are their core areas, where they can influence access to fuel supplies, roads, and essential resources.
2.2 G-Pep
The G-Pep coalition was the direct rival of G9 until they joined forces creating the Viv Ansanm coalition in 2024. Led by Gabriel Jean Pierre, known as “Ti Gabriel,” the gang was born in 2020 as a reaction to the G9’s rise. Ti Gabriel was at the time leader of the gang Nan Brooklyn, and moved to gather all the gangs that refused to join G9 under the G-Pep banner, almost as an act of “balance of power”. They expanded beyond their original area of Cité Soleil to fight the rise of the G9. At the end of 2023, the balance of power seemed to shift in favor of G-Pep especially considering the death of Iska, a G9 crucial military leader. This changed with the creation of the Viv Ansanm coalition.
2.3 400 Mawozo
The 400 Mawozo gang was the largest in Haiti until 2022. Aligned with G-Pep, they were notorious for kidnappings and arms smuggling. The kidnapping of 17 Western missionaries in 2021 led the group to its fame. Their self proclaimed “king” Joly Germine, considered by others only second-in-command to Joseph Wilson “Lanmò San Jou”, pleaded guilty of his role in a gun smuggling conspiracy in early 2024. Their central area of influence is Croix-des-Bouquets, in the north of Port-au-Prince, although they have been present in other municipalities as well. It is crucial to acknowledge that their influence led them to control the only route to the North of the island in 2022, proving their power.
3 Viv Ansanm
As of 29 February 2024, a great shift occurred in Haiti. The relatively new Viv Ansanm gang coalition coordinated gang attacks against state institutions with the goal of obtaining Prime Minister Ariel Henry’s resignation. This new alliance unified the G9 and G-Pep, previously violent and bitter rivals, into a force that a few months later controlled over 80% of Port-au-Prince, and still does. The first quarter of the same year was the deadliest since the monitoring began, and according to the International Organization for Migration (IOM) over 200,000 more people were internally displaced in the first half of the year. Coordinated activities of Viv Ansanm were first reported in September 2023.
3.1 Viv Ansanm’s Socioeconomic Impact
Viv Ansanm has profoundly affected daily life in Port-au-Prince. Member gangs have forced the closure of schools, markets, and hospitals. They have control over major shipping ports and fuel, allowing them to increase the cost of basic goods to their will. Movement within the capital without running into gang checkpoints and violence seems to be near impossible.
The coalition tries to cultivate a reputation of being a protector of the poor and marginalized. Jimmy “Barbecue” Chérizier, one of the most relevant actors in Viv Ansamn, continues to frame his actions as those of a revolutionary and fights the Haitian elites and state which neglect the situation. The coalition tries to secure legitimacy among the local population and denounces the political elites. The first incursions of Viv Ansanm led to Prime Minister Ariel Henry’s resignation on 11 March 2024 and limited the negotiations of the UN Kenya-led Multinational Security Support Mission (MSSM), perceived by the gangs as an emerging threat. The consolidation of Viv Ansanm has given gangs the chance to focus on confronting external forces and enabled them to run criminal activities while engaging in as much infighting as before.
3.1 Viv Ansanm Political Influence
Beyond violence, Viv Ansanm holds influence in Haiti’s politics. Their deeper involvement leverages alliances with political parties to gain resources and be legitimized in their exercise of power. Reports point out that they support candidates aligned with their agenda and threaten and undermine rival ones. Some claim the coalition now plays a key role in Haiti’s electoral outcomes and governance. There is great turmoil surrounding the Transitional Presidential Council (TPC), including corruption and bribery. A proposal the TPC submitted in 2024 to the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) referenced Viv Ansanm directly and acknowledged the extent of criminal governance of the gang coalition. PHTK president Liné Balthazar admitted on radio that Viv Ansanm participates in discussions with the nation’s major political players.
4 International and Domestic Responses
The escalation of violence in Haiti has drawn responses from international actors. Starting from October 2023, the UN Security Council launched the Multinational Security Support Mission (MSSM). Led by Kenya, it aims to assist Haitian police in the fight against gangs with the goal of re-establishing order. The original commitment was of over 3000 troops, yet the concrete numbers have been much lower, reaching only around 400 in October 2024. Kenya, for example, deployed 200 more troops in January 2025, still not meeting their pledge of 1000 personnel.
United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres points out the need to enhance international support, claiming that without further aid, gangs will soon have control of the entirety of the capital, leading to the total collapse of the already weak government authorities. Nonetheless, the MSSM remains severely unfunded and unable to limit gang influence in Haiti.
Domestically, the government has tried to take steps in addressing the crisis. The new transitional government aims to tackle gang violence and related humanitarian issues. Nonetheless, criticism is rampant. Citizens perceive priorities to be misallocated, as funds are deployed for international visits and infrastructural improvements instead of security and basic needs.
5 Conclusion
The ongoing Haitian gang crisis finds its roots in decades of socioeconomic, political, and historical factors. It is not merely the product of recent instability. Starting from the Tonton Macoutes under Duvalier’s regime, to the recent emergence of powerful gang coalitions such as the G9, G-Pep, and the Viv Ansanm alliance, armed criminal groups have shaped the Haitian security landscape. The gangs evolved and changed in their features through time, yet always maintaining certain core functions: controlling territories, resources, political processes, and filling the gaps left by the absence of a functional state.
Gangs such as G9 and G-Pep and coalitions like Viv Ansanm are gaining more territorial power and are becoming dominant governing entities. It seems that what were forces used by politicians for influence, such as in the Duvalier case, are becoming independent actors. The events of the past year, starting on February 29th and leading to the ousting of Prime Minister Henry, show that Viv Ansanm can dictate national security and electoral outcomes. Traditional gang rivalries have been transcended, and the common goal is challenging state authority, aligned with Jimmy “Barbecue” Cherizier anti-establishment narrative. A question arises: are armed gangs the architects of Haiti’s future?
Addressing this crisis is a great challenge requiring security interventions, socio political reforms, economic development, and more. International support can play a crucial role, although it must be adequately planned and funded, as we can see the challenges the MSSM mission is facing. Haitian-led programs and plans towards solutions deserve equal, if not higher consideration, to ensure they are sustainable and appropriate to local realities.
Hope for Haiti’s future is not lost, yet it will require great efforts and collaboration between domestic and international actors to overcome the strong grip gang violence has on the Caribbean country.
